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Metternich30

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The Ottoman Empire stood amongst the greatest empires of world history; it belongs to a select club of polities who were both vast in their scope, whilst simultaneously being extremely lengthy in their duration. The story of the Ottomans is a long and highly convoluted one; in the space of three centuries they rose from being a minor Anatolian Beylik to being the masters of an empire with lands in Europe, Asia and Africa.

The Ottomans were Oghuz Turks ethnically; the Oghuz had migrated from the central steppes of Asia during the 9th and 10th centuries, whereupon they crashed into the Middle East in the early 11th century, first conquering Persia, before proceeding to invade modern day Iraq, Syria and finally Anatolia itself, sweeping aside the local Arab and Byzantine rulers of these respective regions. Soon, the Seljuks, as they were known, had assembled for themselves a large empire. However, upon the death of Sultan Malik Shah in 1092, the empire quickly fractured, with a number of new polities arising from it, including the Sultanate of Rum and those of Syria and Persia.

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The Seljuk Empire at its zenith in 1092

The ‘Beyliks’ were a crucial unit of the new Sultanate of Rum (the Turkish word for Rome, recognising the region’s heritage as a longstanding province of the Roman Empire); originally founded to defend the Seljuk border against the Byzantine Empire, they took on a new found importance with the establishment of the Sultanate of Rum. As the Sultan bickered with his counterparts in Syria and Persia (and found himself beset by Byzantine attacks and Latin crusades), the individual Beyliks, particularly those of western Anatolia, began to assert their independence from him. Among these was the Beylik of Sogut, ruled by Ertugrul Bey. When he died in 1281, he was succeeded by his son, Osman I, the first Sultan of what was to become the Ottoman Empire.

431px-Sultan_Gazi_%CA%BBUthm%C4%81n_Han_I_-_%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%8F%D9%84%D8%B7%D8%A7%D9%86_%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%BA%D8%A7%D8%B2%D9%8A_%D8%B9%D9%8F%D8%AB%D9%85%D8%A7%D9%86_%D8%AE%D8%A7%D9%86_%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A3%D9%88%D9%8E%D9%91%D9%84.png

A later portrait of Osman I. Naturally, it is unlikely to be a credible likeness

It is said that Osman had a dream; a dream which foretold the flowering of a great empire from his tiny Beylik. The authenticity of this dream is certainly disputable; nonetheless, it shows the importance of Osman to the later Ottoman tradition. He would certainly prove himself to be a great warrior and leader, establishing firmly the independence of the Ottoman Beylik, and expanding its boundaries throughout Nicaea, driving the Byzantines from this region, and seizing key towns such as Bursa and Ephesus.

When he died in 1326, he was succeeded by his son Orhan, who would continue his father’s policy of expansionism, taking further lands in Nicaea. More importantly, Orhan was able to establish a bridgehead in Europe, which would serve as a launch pad for further Ottoman expansion in the Balkans and later Eastern Europe. It should be noted that Ottoman successes during this period were aided greatly by the severe erosion of the power of the Byzantine Empire, as evidenced by the decline in the quality of its army and navy, as well as the political chaos that engulfed it during the civil war between John VI Cantacuzenus and the regents of John V Palaeologus. This was a factor that the Ottomans would have no qualms about exploiting in the future.

Throughout the rest of the 14th century, the Ottomans went from strength to strength, with Orhan’s successors Murad I and Bayezid greatly expanding the Sultanate’s territory, at the expense of the decaying Byzantine Empire, as well as that of other Turkish polities. However, they were unable to seize the city of Constantinople, thus enabling the ‘Empire’ to cling on. Moreover, Ottoman expansionism was checked by the defeat and capture of Bayezid at the Battle of Ankara in 1402. He lost the throne, and a decade long interregnum was to follow, until, in 1413, Mehmed Celebi, one of Bayezid’s many sons, was proclaimed as Sultan.

Tamerlan.jpg

Timur 'the lame': the man who humbled the Ottomans

Mehmed helped restore the losses of the last decade, and was responsible for many changes, such as confirming the primacy of Edirne as the imperial capital. Nonetheless, his reign was short, and he passed away at a young age in 1421, to be succeeded by his seventeen year old son, Murad II. Murad, like his predecessors, saw his share of wild and bloody conflict during his reign, where he was forced to contend with both internal and external threats to his rule. As a result, he took the unusual step of handing over the reins of power to his young heir, Mehmed, who, at the time, was only twelve years old. It was under his rule that the Ottoman state began its final transition to the status of an Empire, and thus this is where our story begins.

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On the left, a later portrait of Mehmed II 'Fatih'. On the right, Ottoman territories at Mehmed's accession in 1444.

__________

So, this is my first AAR. A couple of things to note. Whilst I'm trying to emulate some of the very good historical AAR's on this forum (such as those by Volksmarschall), I am not a historian, and certainly am not one of the Ottoman Empire. Thus, whilst this will have a historical flavour, it will probably not be particularly historically accurate. Furthermore, my prose is dull, and I won't be interspersing it with too many screenshots (and those that I will add will almost entirely be maps). But, regardless, I hope that you find this AAR mildly entertaining :).
 
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Aşıkpaşazade is a entirely entertaining read, especially since his account of Osman Ghazi is the first historical account of the founder of the Ottoman realm! If you manage to wander around and want to read Ottoman historiography, even though he isn't the most credible of reads.

Oh Sacred and Imperial Majesty, emperor, Sovereign of the House of Osman, Sultan of Sultans, Khan of Khans, Commander of the Believers, Protector of the Holy Sanctuaries, and emperor of Rome, bless us and protect this day as we march off in your glorious name! :cool:

Now is the time for the world to fear the might of the armies from the east once more! It's nice to see that my work on Paradox has influence over others. :D And especially the best of luck since this is your first AAR! May it be long and memorable, or at least memorable, as all first AARs should be!

Cheers!
 
Chapter I

Mehmed was only twelve years old when he came to power; a mere boy. Nonetheless, his Sultanate was at that time already embroiled in a war with the Kingdom of Albania, led by the fearless King George Skanderberg. Regardless of that, whilst the Albanians might have been brave, they were lacking in both numbers and friends, and their kingdom fell beneath the Ottoman heel in 1445, and was annexed. The men most responsible for the treaty that led to Albania's annexation were the three leading members of the Council of Viziers (or Divan); Ismail Celebi, Musa Salih and Isa Tarhuncu. Celebi, the Grand Vizier, was a military man, who would go on to play an important role in shaping Mehmed's attitudes towards war and conquest. Salih was, in effect, Vizier for finance, looking after the Sultan's treasury, whilst Tarhuncu was the Vizier charged with handling foreign relations, and also served as Mehmed's spymaster. Together, the three of them would dominate the Council of Viziers for the next 35 years.

The annexation of Albania was merely the first move in a game that would see Mehmed II embark upon a long period of war and expansionism, one which would last right up until his death. As he matured, he began to take a more active role in the governance of his territories, which, naturally, meant that he took an active role as a war leader. It helped that he had at his disposal a strong army; in addition to the vast numbers of levies, known as Azabs, that he had at his disposal, he could also command the utmost loyalty of the well-trained Janissary units. The Janissaries were recruited through a system known as the 'devshirme'; in other words, a tax upon the non-Islamic populations of the empire paid for in human form. These men, in essence, belonged to the Sultan, effectively being professional slave soldiers. This was to give Mehmed the edge over many of his rivals, who lacked a standing body of professional soldiers to use in war.

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A later image of some Janissaries

In 1448, Mehmed set about his first true war of aggression, against the Venetians. Venice, a merchant Republic with longstanding ties to the Balkan region where the Ottomans were located, held in its possession a number of bases in this region, including Crete and puppet states in Corfu and Naxos. Mehmed desired very much to begin the process of expelling the Venetians from the immediate vicinity, and so, with the encouragement of Ismail Celebi, declared war in 1448. This, unfortunately, brought quite a coalition of allies to the aid of the Venetians; their vassals in Corfu (the target of Mehmed's aggression anyway) and Naxos, but also the Kingdom of Aragon, and its vassal, Naples. The Venetians were quickly expelled from Corfu (aided by treachery on the part of some of Corfu's garrison) and it seemed that Mehmed would be able to overrun Naxos as well. However, these ambitions were dramatically lessened by the defeat of the Ottoman fleet by Venetian admiral Vitale Marcello in a battle off the coast of Thessaly in February 1449. About half the Ottoman fleet was sunk, and forced to retreat to port, thereby ensuring Venetian naval superiority over the Ottomans for the rest of the war's duration.

Moreover, the Neapolitan allies of the Venetians launched an invasion across the Adriatic to relieve Corfu, landing in the now largely undefended Corfu (Ottoman forces had made, in the aftermath of their capture of Corfu, preparations to invade Naxos, which were rendered irrelevant by the defeat of the Ottoman fleet). At this point, it looked as if the gains of the last year might be lost; however, Mehmed was able to force march his troops across Greece to relieve the garrison of Corfu, before the Venetian fleet could intercept them in the channel between Corfu and Epirus. What followed was a minor battle in which the outnumbered Neapolitans were slaughtered, losing a good 5,000 men to a mere 2,500 Turks. The expeditionary force then scattered in disarray. The Doge of Venice, Tommasso Pordenone, recognised that whilst the Venetians were clearly superior on sea, the land war had been well and truly won by the Ottomans. Thus, in March 1450, at the Treaty of Corfu, the Venetians begrudgingly signed over control of the island to Mehmed II. His first war had proved a success, and it was upon this that he would gain the confidence to launch a series of further campaigns in the Balkans over the next twenty years.

300px-Corfu_map_16th_century.jpg

A Venetian depiction of the siege of Corfu
 
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Aşıkpaşazade is a entirely entertaining read, especially since his account of Osman Ghazi is the first historical account of the founder of the Ottoman realm! If you manage to wander around and want to read Ottoman historiography, even though he isn't the most credible of reads.

Oh Sacred and Imperial Majesty, emperor, Sovereign of the House of Osman, Sultan of Sultans, Khan of Khans, Commander of the Believers, Protector of the Holy Sanctuaries, and emperor of Rome, bless us and protect this day as we march off in your glorious name! :cool:

Now is the time for the world to fear the might of the armies from the east once more! It's nice to see that my work on Paradox has influence over others. :D And especially the best of luck since this is your first AAR! May it be long and memorable, or at least memorable, as all first AARs should be!

Cheers!

Thanks Volksmarschall, and, having just got my first post up, I hope you enjoy this AAR. I doubt that it will be particularly brilliant, but oh well; hopefully I can carve a niche producing the 'fast food' of historical aar's ;).
 
The fast food of historical AAR's! Haha! :p

Balkan troubles, not much of surprise there. Of course, the prospective Siege of Constantinople should conjure up the same images of ships being transported over land and into the Golden Horn! :cool:
 
Chapter I - Section 2

Following his victory in the war against Venice, Mehmed could afford to turn his attention to the other major nuisance to the Ottoman state in the Balkans; the remnants of the Byzantine Empire. For many years, the empire had been living on borrowed time, it realms steadily shrinking till they comprised a mere toehold in Thrace, centered upon Constantinople, and the Despotates of Morea and Achaea. Also, the Duchy of Athens (in theory at least) owed fealty to the Emperor. Nonetheless, the Empire still had the potential to cause problems for the Ottomans, serving as a base for piracy (particularly in the only loosely controlled Morea). Furthermore, Mehmed, through his spymaster Tarhuncu, had come to believe that Emperor John VIII Palaeologus was gradually attempting to forge an alliance with Venice. He had, after all, already made treaties of alliance with both Bosnia and Serbia, thus opening up a new threat on the northern flank of Mehmed's Balkan territories. The Sultan (and his Council of Viziers), appear to have held the opinion that something needed to be done about Byzantium, before it could forge a coalition capable of doing serious harm to the Ottoman state.

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An Italian depiction of John VIII Palaeologus. He was known to Mehmed as the 'eel', for what he perceived to be his slipperiness.

Recognising the danger that Mehmed posed to him, John attempted to threaten him, warning him that he might release the Sultan's brother (and rival claimant to the throne), Orhan, into Ottoman territories in Anatolia, there to stir up trouble and possibly even civil war. Unfortunately for John, this backfired spectacularly upon him, as Mehmed, rather than being cowed, was enraged, and began to raise his armies, as well as releasing funds to bolster the Ottoman forts that overlooked Constantinople. In November 1450, Mehmed crossed, with his army, into what was (theoretically), Byzantine territory in Athens, which, in effect, amounted to a declaration of war. The Athenian garrison of Athens was quickl overwhelmed; however, in February 1451, an army commanded by Despot Andronicus Mouzalon (of Morea) advanced into Attica (the region immediately surrounding Athens), in an attempt to surprise and defeat Mehmed.

Mouzalon proved to have miscalculated, for rather than facing the numerically inferior Ottoman army that his spies had informed him of, the Ottomans, in fact, held a slight numerical advantage, with some 14,000 troops, to the 12,000 on Mouzalon's command. Nonetheless, the Despot, unwisely, chose to give battle; in an ironic twist of fate, the two armies met at Marathon, where the Greeks had previously clashed with the Persians some 2,000 years earlier. This time however, it would be 'barbarian' and not Greek, who emerged victorious, for the mixed bag of levies and mercenaries assembled by Mouzalon proved no match for Mehmed's army, battle hardened as it was by several years of war in the Balkans. The Byzantines were slaughtered, losing some 7,500 men in the battle, to just 2,600 Turks. His army broken, Mouzalon fled to Morea. Matthias Nestongus, one of the last Byzantine historians, and father of future Ottoman Vizier Antonius Nestongus, described the retreat from Marathon as thus:

"The retreat from Marathon was a shameful sight; one wonders what our Greek forebears of old; Miltiades, Leonidas, Agis and Epaminondas would have made of us. An unhappy train, trudging through the mud and the dirt, with bandy-legged, shifty-eyed Slavic sell-swords slipping away from the column, into the night. Mouzalon would not stop, for fear that the Turk might still catch us. To me, my thoughts were 'we have already been caught, and shown to be the children that we really are; merely play-acting in the armour of our fathers'.

Needless to say, Nestongus is given to hyperbole, partly because he published this history in Italian, for the Doge of Venice, long after the fall of Constantinople, in 1471, and was keen to be contracted to write more (alas, he died, probably of Typhus, in 1472, before he could write any more). In spite of that, it gives us some idea of the desperation that would have swept through Mouzalon's army after their defeat at Marathon. This would likely have been heightened by the invasion of both Achaea and Morea that then occurred, by the Ottomans and their Candari vassals, from April-May 1451. Mouzalon's army simply collapsed, rather than fight Mehmed again, and he was to spend the next months cooped up in his seat at Mystras, the premier town of Morea.

640px-Keny%C3%A9rmez%C5%91i_csata.jpg

A somewhat fanciful portrait of the destruction of the Byzantine army at Marathon.

Despite his victories in Greece, Mehmed could not rest easy, for he received word in June 1451 that the Emperor's Serbian allies, led by their King Lazar Brankovic, had invaded Macedonia and laid siege to the town of Thessaloniki (or Selanik, in Turkish). Recognizing that the central danger to him had shifted, Mehmed withdrew most of his troops from Greece, leaving only small forces to besiege the major towns of the Peloponnese. In September, he caught Brankovic and his 10,000 men (he had been bolstered by a contingent of Bosnians and Byzantines) outside the town of Thessaloniki, and did battle with him there. The Ottoman and Serbian forces were roughly equal in number, and at first, it seemed as if the battle could be Mehmed's first defeat. Indeed, he was unhorsed midway through the battle, and only saved from death by the intervention of one of his Janissaries. But, the tide tuned with the arrival of some 5,000 men under Abdulrahman Gazi Pasha, who hit Brankovic's men in the flank, causing them to break and flee. Gazi was sent with his men to invade Serbia, which they did, wiping out what remained of Brankovic's army in Kosovo. Now, Mehmed was free to turn his attentions upon the city of the world's desire itself; Constantinople.
 
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The fast food of historical AAR's! Haha!

Balkan troubles, not much of surprise there. Of course, the prospective Siege of Constantinople should conjure up the same images of ships being transported over land and into the Golden Horn!

Quite so, quite so ;)

Good start, I think. Your Janissary picture in Chapter I doesn't show up on my computer, for some reason.

Now, time for the end of the Roman Empire!

The Roman Empire will end, but I can tell you that it will be a rather protracted and bizarre ending, to say the least.
 
End the Roman Empire? The Ottomans are/will become the new Roman Empire and preserve the legacy of Rūm!

After all, the Muslims have long been considered one of the 4 heirs to the Roman tradition...
 
End the Roman Empire? The Ottomans are/will become the new Roman Empire and preserve the legacy of Rūm!

After all, the Muslims have long been considered one of the 4 heirs to the Roman tradition...

I'm curious, aside from Russia (third Rome and all that), and, as you said, the Ottoman Empire, who would the other two be. The Papacy could be one, but who else? (I hope I'm not being incredibly dense here, but, after all the 'Byzantine' Empire was simply a continuation of the Eastern section of the Roman Empire, so describing it as an 'heir' to the Roman tradition might be somewhat inaccurate)?
 
In academic literature, the generally accepted 4 heirs of the Roman tradition are: The Byzantines (politically), The "Barbarian" successor Kingdoms (logistically and infrastructurally -- this includes the Holy Roman Empire, to a certain extent, but more pointed at Theodoric's Italy, etc.), The Roman "Catholic" Church (culturally, logistically, infrastructurally) >> most scholars would say that the Church preserved and restored the Roman way, but not in a way that is noticeable from a political history POV (cf. Peter Heather, The Restoration of Rome or Peter Brown's The World of Late Antiquity), and the Islamic World (philosophically). As mentioned, the Sultanate of Rum billed itself as a "New Rome," and when Mehmed conquered Constantinople, he immediately took the title "Caesar of Rome" (Qaisar-e-Rūm in Persian).

No one views the Russians as being an heir of the tradition, at least among Western scholars. To a certain extent, the Russian claim is more attached to the Byzantines than to Rome proper -- by the time of the Christianization of the Russians, Byzantium is an animal distinct from the older Latin Roman tradition, which is why scholars still refer to Byzantium or Byzantine studies as separate from Roman studies. Few scholars would assert the Byzantines as being akin to the older Roman Empire for a multitude of reasons, already by the middle seventh century it is vastly different than the older Roman Empire. The Byzantines are universally seen among professionals academics as one of the four heirs of the Roman tradition, it is the politically evolved and transformed continuation of the Roman Empire into Late Antiquity and the Medieval Period, but having taken on a Greco-Persian culture and feel, historians have come to see it as a an entity in of itself, separate from proper Roman studies. It's like how historians view the Diadochi Kingdoms in the aftermath of Alexander's Death, yeah -- they share some connection with Alexander's Empire, but they are altogether something separate.

I am, however, not surprised that many younger, and more idealistic persons, still hold the view that the Byzantines should be seen as the direct continuation of the Roman Empire. In reality, few professionals hold this view, in part, because the Senate was irrelevant in Byzantium (it still held considerable importance and power, even among the imperial era, i.e., before the deposition of Romulus Augustulus in 476), it was culturally Greco-Persian, not Latin, Greek became the official language in 620, and it had completely down away with the old imperial structures of governance by the seventh century as well: politically and militarily, replacing it with something completely unique and otherwise unrecognizable to the still predominately Roman structured West. It may have been the political continuation of the Roman polity passed 476, but quickly became an animal in its own form. Again, why we have Byzantine studies in the academy solely focused on the Byzantine Empire itself, separate from the study of the Roman Empire, which theoretically ends in 476, but often goes into the reign of Justinian and aftermath, at least before all the transformations in the Byzantine Empire as mentioned above. A fourth century Roman in the West would not have recognized the Byzantine Empire by the eighth century. By contrast, a fourth century Roman would have recognized the basic infrastructure and political structures and the Catholic polity and governing system in the eighth and ninth century "Post-Roman" West. However, as I've stated in the Historiography Society, in the most strict sense, there was no Byzantine Empire. It was just a radically altered variation of the old Roman Empire, and it gets its own field of study because of this radical variation, or perhaps, deviation, from the empire that it claimed to be the continuation of.


Source: I'm a historian of the period.
 
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Chapter I - Section 3

Throughout the duration of the war, a small Ottoman forced had laid siege to Constantinople; on land, a force of about 5,000 prevented egress from the city, whilst at sea, what remained of the Ottoman fleet from the first Venetian war blockaded its seaward side. However, Constantinople, despite being the capital of a dying empire, still possessed a rather more formidable garrison, and furthermore, John VIII had given orders for a great chain to be raised across the front of the harbour, thereby preventing any Ottoman attack from the sea. John's war strategy was a simple one; to distract Mehmed and the bulk of his army fighting in Greece against the Despotates (whom, superficially, were the greater threat), whilst waiting out the siege behind the Walls of Constantinople, until either the small besieging force disintegrated, or the army led by Lazar Brankovic arrived to relieve the city.

With the defeat of Lazar Brankovic by Mehmed in battle, hopes of relief quickly evaporated. Worse news followed when it was discovered that Mehmed was marching his army upon Constantinople to bolster the force besieging the city. Recognising the potential danger here, John slipped the city, under the cover of night, disguised as a simple merchant. Due to the small size of the Ottoman army then besieging the city, he was able to evade detection, and took a ship to Morea, then travelled on foot to Mystras, which was now free of siege, thanks to the unwise decision of the Ottoman army to assault the city, which had led to their complete annihilation before the walls. John left his trusted younger brother, Constantine, to command the city in his name. Soon, the active duties of that command were to call for Constantine, as Mehmed arrived outside the gates of Constantinople with some 11,000 men, and prepared for an assault upon the city.

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A romantic portrait of Constantine Palaeologus, obviously done much later on. Constantine was later a hero to the Greek independence movement, and was often specifically contrasted with his 'cowardly' brother.

The Byzantine 'army' that was defending the city was hardly an army at all. A ragbag mob of Greek troops, Italian mercenaries, Turkish rebels and the odd foreign volunteer hoping for glory, it represented the last ditch defence of Constantinople against the Turks. Mehmed, on the other hand, had by now assembled a force of some 20,000 men, combining his own conquering army, the besieging garrison and some mercenaries that were hastily recruited in Edirne to strengthen the assaulting force. Finally, on March 5th 1452, the assault upon Constantinople finally began, and, shockingly, was repulsed. Despite the fact that, after nearly 15 months of siege, the garrison had fallen to some 1,800, the Ottomans were held off, just, thanks to the continued strength of the Theodosian walls, and the sheer pluck of the Byzantine defenders. Following the defeat of the initial assault, Mehmed is reported to have sighed, almost blasphemously, "if only Allah would look to the fortunes of his own people".

Not deterred from his general objective, Mehmed made preparations to try again. The garrison had suffered severe losses, falling to some 600 men (although a few of the city's remaining inhabitants were press ganged into service in an attempt to man the walls), and Constantine was well aware that the city could not withstand another siege. Nonetheless, he was hopeful that a relief force would come under his brother's command, to see off another Ottoman assault, and thus, hopefully, save the city in a peace deal that would be negotiated afterwards. Such help would not be coming. On May 6th, 1452, Mehmed once more launched an assault upon Constantinople, and this time, he broke through. The defenders were quickly overwhelmed, and Constantine perished, throwing himself into the Turkish throng, never to be seen again. The fall of the city sent unexpected shockwaves throughout Christendom. John VIII is reported by chronicler Matthias Nestongus (the same man who would establish the 'legend of Constantine') to have broken down and cried. Pope Eugenius IV suffered a stroke upon hearing the news (one which he was to recover from, although it weakened his authority considerably).

The war was not over however, for John VIII and Andronicus Mouzalon still held out in Morea, and had even managed to assemble a small force in an attempt to retake Achaea from the Ottomans. Mehmed prepared to march out and destroy the final remnants of the Byzantine Empire once and for all; however, to his distress, he discovered that a succession of peasant rebellions had broken out in the Ottoman heartlands of Ankara, Konya and Kutahya. Poor harvests and the ongoing war had dented their enthusiasm for Mehmed's rule, and thus they rose up in rebellion against Mehmed, demanding reductions in the tax burden. Viewing the peasants as a greater threat, Mehmed marched east, and easily defeated the rebels, butchering them in the thousands. However, Mehmed recognised that the rebellions were symptomatic, at least partially, the growing war weariness of the population, which had been involved in two major wars for the past four years. Thus, he decided that it was time for a, temporary, peace deal to be struck with the beleaguered Byzantines. In November 1452, an extremely harsh peace was enacted, whereby the Byzantines agreed to cede all of their territory (including Constantinople) aside from Morea, to the Turks, in exchange for peace. John VIII remained the titular Byzantine emperor, but it is difficult to say that the remnants of his territories could be described as the Byzantine empire anymore.

ottoman 1452.png
Ottoman territories following its peace with Byzantium in 1452.
 
Peace? Pfff...you let them off easy. Well, Byzantium ceased to be an empire long ago, by the late fourteenth century, it was 'in name only' anyways.

Might you think of making the screenshots that serve as 'maps', perhaps, a bit larger? ;)
 
Peace? Pfff...you let them off easy. Well, Byzantium ceased to be an empire long ago, by the late fourteenth century, it was 'in name only' anyways.

Might you think of making the screenshots that serve as 'maps', perhaps, a bit larger? ;)

I did want to finish the job, but my manpower was low, I was sliding into debt and rebellions were starting to break out all over the place due to war exhaustion and my 0 stability. In the end, I thought it better just to hang onto what I had.

As for the maps, it seems I can't upload anything larger than a thumbnail from my computer, and I tried using ImageShack, only to discover that the wretches want me to get a premium account in exchange for being to upload pictures larger than a thumbnail. When I click on them, the do resize to a much better level, so I'll come back to this another time to see if I can do anything about it. Technology... ;)
 
I tend to use photobucket, the standard is free and has served me well after all these years on the forums! :)

Technology...you aren't a Neo-Luddite are you? :p Yeah, I understanding manpower and financial reasons for ending wars early, happened to me all throughout Decline and Fall. I just didn't have the resources to continue a prolonged war to conquer 3 or 4 provinces from the O.E., just 1 or 2 at the most.